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24/09/03
Against Women’s Lib
Murray Rothbard
LewRockwell
(Originally published as "The Great
Women's Liberation Issue: Setting It Straight" in The Individualist, May
1970)
It is high time, and past due, that someone
blew the whistle on "Women’s Liberation." Like The Environment,
Women’s Lib is suddenly and raucously everywhere in the last few months. It
has become impossible to avoid being assaulted, day in and day out, by the noisy
blather of the Women’s Movement. Special issues of magazines, TV news
programs, and newspapers have been devoted to this new-found
"problem"; and nearly two dozen books on women’s lib are being
scheduled for publication this year by major publishers.
In all this welter of verbiage, not one
article, not one book, not one program has dared to present the opposition case.
The injustice of this one-sided tidal wave should be evident. Not only is it
evident, but the lack of published opposition negates one of the major charges
of the women’s lib forces: that the society and economy are groaning under a
monolithic male "sexist" tyranny. If the men are running the show, how
is it that they do not even presume to print or present anyone from the other
side?
Yet the "oppressors" remain
strangely silent, which leads one to suspect, as we will develop further below,
that perhaps the "oppression" is on the other side.
In the meanwhile, the male
"oppressors" are acting, in the manner of Liberals everywhere, like
scared, or guilt-ridden, rabbits. When the one hundred viragos of Women’s Lib
bullied their way into the head offices of the Ladies’ Home Journal, did the
harried editor-in-chief, John Mack Carter, throw these aggressors out on their
collective ear, as he should have done? Did he, at the very least, abandon his
office for the day and go home? No, instead he sat patiently for eleven hours
while these harridans heaped abuse upon him and his magazine and his gender, and
then meekly agreed to donate to them a special section of the Journal, along
with $10,000 ransom. In this way, spineless male Liberalism meekly feeds the
appetite of the aggressors and paves the way for the next set of outrageous
"demands." Rat magazine, an underground tabloid, caved in even more
spectacularly, and simply allowed itself to be taken over permanently by a
"women’s liberation collective."
Why, in fact, this sudden upsurge of women’s
lib? Even the most fanatic virago of the Women’s Movement concedes that this
new movement has not emerged in response to any sudden clamping down of the male
boot upon the collective sensibilities of the American female. Instead, the new
uprising is part of the current degeneracy of the New Left, which, as its
one-time partly libertarian politics and ideology and organization have
collapsed, has been splintering into absurd and febrile forms, from Maoism to
Weathermanship to mad bombings to women’s lib. The heady wine of
"liberation" for every crackpot group has been in the air for some
time, sometimes deserved but more often absurd, and now the New Left women have
gotten into the act. We need not go quite so far as the recent comment of
Professor Edward A. Shils, eminent sociologist at the University of Chicago,
that he now expects a "dog liberation front," but it is hard to fault
the annoyance behind his remark. Throughout the whole gamut of
"liberation", the major target has been the harmless, hard-working,
adult WASP American male, William Graham Sumner’s Forgotten Man; and now this
hapless Dagwood Bumstead figure is being battered yet once more. How long will
it be before the put-upon, long-suffering Average American at last loses his
patience, and rises up in his wrath to do some effective noisemaking on his own
behalf?
The current Women’s Movement is divisible
into two parts. The older, slightly less irrational wing began in 1963 with the
publication of Betty Friedan’s The Feminine Mystique and her organization of
NOW (the National Organization of Women). NOW concentrates on alleged economic
discrimination against women. For example: the point that while the median
annual wage for all jobs in 1968 was almost $7700 for men, it only totaled $4500
for women, 58% of the male figure. The other major point is the quota argument:
that if one casts one’s eye about various professions, top management
positions, etc., the quota of women is far lower than their supposedly deserved
51%, their share of the total population.
The quota argument may be disposed of rapidly;
for it is a two-edged sword. If the low percentage of women in surgery, law,
management, etc., is proof that the men should posthaste be replaced by females,
then what are we to do with the Jews, for example, who shine far above their
assigned quota in the professions, in medicine, in academia, etc.? Are they to
be purged?
The lower average income for women can be
explained on several grounds, none of which involve irrational
"sexist" discrimination. One is the fact that the overwhelming
majority of women work a few years, and then take a large chunk of their
productive years to raise children, after which they may or may not decide to
return to the labor force. As a result, they tend to enter, or to find, jobs
largely in those industries and in that type of work that does not require a
long-term commitment to a career. Furthermore, they tend to find jobs in those
occupations where the cost of training new people, or of losing old ones, is
relatively low. These tend to be lower-paying occupations than those that
require a long-term commitment or where costs of training or turnover are high.
This general tendency to take out years for child-raising also accounts for a
good deal of the failure to promote women to higher-ranking, and therefore
higher-paying jobs, and hence for the low female "quotas" in these
areas. It is easy to hire secretaries who do not intend to make the job their
continuing life work; it is not so easy to promote people up the academic or the
corporate ladder who do not do so. How does a dropout for motherhood get to be a
corporate president or a full professor?
While these considerations account for a good
chunk of lower pay and lower ranked jobs for women, they do not fully explain
the problem. In the capitalist market economy, women have full freedom of
opportunity; irrational discrimination in employment tends to be minimal in the
free market, for the simple reason that the employer also suffers from such
discriminatory practice. In the free market, every worker tends to earn the
value of his product, his "marginal productivity." Similarly, everyone
tends to fill the job he can best accomplish, to work at his most productive
efforts. Employers who persist in paying below a person’s marginal product
will hurt themselves by losing their best workers and hence losing profits for
themselves. If women have persistently lower pay and poorer jobs, even after
correcting for the motherhood-dropout, then the simple reason must be that their
marginal productivity tends to be lower than men.
It should be emphasized that, in contrast to
the Women’s Lib forces who tend to blame capitalism as well as male tyrants
for centuries-old discrimination, it was precisely capitalism and the
"capitalist revolution" of the 18th and 19th centuries that freed
women from male oppression, and set each woman free to find her best level. It
was the feudal and pre-capitalist, pre-market society that was marked by male
oppression; it was that society where women were chattels of their fathers and
husbands, where they could own no property of their own, etc.1 Capitalism set
women free to find their own level, and the result is what we have today.
The Women Libs retort that women possess the
full potential of equality of output and productivity with men, but that they
have been browbeaten during centuries of male oppression. But the conspicuous
lack of rising to the highest posts under capitalism still remains. There are
few women doctors, for example. Yet medical schools nowadays not only don’t
discriminate against women, they bend over backwards to accept them (i.e., they
discriminate in their favor); yet the proportion of women doctors is still not
noticeably high.
Here the female militants fall back on another
argument: that centuries of being "brainwashed" by a male-dominated
culture have made most women passive, accepting their allegedly inferior role,
and even liking and enjoying their major role as homemakers and child-raisers.
And the real problem for the raucous females, of course, is that the
overwhelming majority of women do embrace the "feminine mystique," do
feel that their sole careers are those of housewife and mother. Simply to write
off these evident and strong desires by most women as "brainwashing"
proves far too much; for we can always dismiss any person’s values, no matter
how deeply held, as the result of "brainwashing." The
"brainwashing" contention becomes what the philosophers call
"operationally meaningless," for it means that the female militants
refuse to accept any evidence, logical or empirical, of whatever kind, that
might prove their contentions to be wrong. Show them a woman who loves
domesticity and they dismiss this as "brainwashing"; show them a
militant and they claim that this proves that women are yearning for
"liberation." In short, these militants regard their flimsy
contentions as unworthy of any sort of proof; but this is the groundless method
of mystics rather than an argument reflecting scientific truth.
And so the high rate of conversion claimed by
women’s liberationists proves nothing either; may not this be the result of
"brainwashing" by the female militants? After all, if you are a
redhead, and a Redheaded Liberation League suddenly emerges and shouts at you
that you are eternally oppressed by vile nonredheads, some of you might well
join in the fray. Which proves nothing at all about whether or not redheads are
objectively oppressed.
I do not go so far as the extreme male
"sexists" who contend that women should confine themselves to home and
children, and that any search for alternative careers is unnatural. On the other
hand, I do not see much more support for the opposite contention that
domestic-type women are violating their natures. There is in this as in all
matters a division of labor, and in a free market society every individual will
enter those fields and areas of work which he or she finds most attractive. The
proportion of working women is far higher than even twenty years ago, and that
is fine; but it is still a minority of females, and that’s fine too. Who are
you or I to tell anyone, male or female, what occupation he or she should enter?
Furthermore, the women libs have fallen into a
logical trap in their charge of centuries of male brainwashing. For if this
charge be true, then how come that men have been running the culture over eons
of time? Surely, this cannot be an accident. Isn’t this evidence of male
superiority?
The Friedanites, who call stridently for
equality of income and position, have, however, been outpaced in recent months
by the more militant women’s liberationists, or "new feminists,"
women who work with the older movement but consider them conservative "Aunt
Toms." These new militants, who have been getting most of the publicity,
persistently liken their alleged oppression to that of blacks, and like the
black movement reject equality and integration for a radical change in society.
They call for the revolutionary abolition of alleged male rule and its supposed
corollary, the family. Displaying a deep-seated and scarcely concealed hatred of
men per se, these females call for all-women’s communes, state-run children,
test-tube babies, or just simply the "cutting up of men", as the real
founder of militant women’s lib, Valerie Solanis, put it in her SCUM (Society
for Cutting Up Men) Manifesto. Solanis became the culture-heroine of the New
Feminism in 1968 when she shot and almost killed the painter and filmmaker Andy
Warhol. Instead of being dismissed (as she would be by any rational person) as a
lone nut, the liberated females wrote articles praising Solanis as the
"sweet assassin" who tried to dispose of the "plastic male"
Warhol. We should have known at that point of the travails that lay in store.
I believe that modern American marriages are,
by and large, conducted on a basis of equality, but I also believe that the
opposite contention is far closer to the truth than that of the New Feminists:
namely, that it is men, not women, who are more likely to be the oppressed
class, or gender, in our society, and that it is far more the men who are the
"blacks," the slaves, and women their masters. In the first place, the
female militants claim that marriage is a diabolical institution by which
husbands enslave their wives and force them to rear children and do housework.
But let us consider: in the great majority of the cases, who is it that insists
on marriage, the man or the woman? Everyone knows the answer. And if this great
desire for marriage is the result of male brainwashing, as the Women’s Libs
contend, then how is it that so many men resist marriage, resist this prospect
of their lifelong seat upon the throne of domestic "tyranny"?
Indeed, as capitalism has immensely lightened
the burden of housework through improved technology, many wives have
increasingly constituted a kept leisure class. In the middle class neighborhood
in which I live, I see them, these "oppressed" and hard-faced viragos,
strutting down the street in their mink stoles to the next bridge or mah-jongg
game, while their husbands are working themselves into an early coronary down in
the garment district to support their helpmeets.
In these cases, then, who are the
"niggers": the wives? Or the husbands? The women’s libs claim that
men are the masters because they are doing most of the world’s work. But if we
look back at the society of the slave South, who indeed did the work? It is
always the slaves who do the work, while the masters live in relative idleness
off the fruits of their labor. To the extent that husbands work and support the
family, while wives enjoy a kept status, who then are the masters?
There is nothing new in this argument, but it
is a point that has been forgotten amidst the current furor. It has been noted
for years-and especially by Europeans and Asians – that too many American men
live in a matriarchy, dominated first by Momism, then by female teachers, and
then by their wives. Blondie and Dagwood have long symbolized for sociologists
an all-too prevalent American matriarchy, a matriarchy that contrasts to the
European scene where the women, though more idle than in the U.S., do not run
the home. The henpecked American male has long been the butt of perceptive
humor. And, finally, when the male dies, as he usually does, earlier than his
spouse, she inherits the entire family assets, with the result that far more
than 50% of the wealth of America is owned by women. Income – the index of
hard and productive work – is less significant here than ownership of ultimate
wealth. Here is another inconvenient fact which the female militants brusquely
dismiss as of no consequence. And, finally, if the husband should seek a
divorce, he is socked with the laws of alimony, which he is forced to pay and
pay to support a female whom he no longer sees, and, if he fails to pay, faces
the barbaric penalty of imprisonment – the only instance remaining in our
legal structure of imprisonment for nonpayment of "debt." Except, of
course, that this is a "debt" which the man had never voluntarily
incurred. Who, then, are the slaves?
And as for men forcing women to bear and rear
children, who, again, in the vast majority of cases, is the party in the
marriage most eager to have children? Again, everyone knows the answer.
When, as they do at times, the female
militants acknowledge matriarchal dominance by the American female, their
defense, as usual, is to fall back on the operationally meaningless: that the
seeming dominance of the wife is only the reflection of her quintessential
passivity and subordination, so that women have to seek various roads to
bitchiness and manipulation as their route to . . . power. Beneath their seeming
power, then, these wives are psychologically unhappy. Perhaps, but I suppose
that one could argue that the slavemaster in the Old South was also
psychologically uneasy because of his unnaturally dominant role. But the
politico-economic fact of his dominance remained, and this is the major point.
The ultimate test of whether women are
enslaved or not in the modem marriage is the one of "natural law": to
consider what would happen if indeed the women’s libs had their way and there
were no marriage. In that situation, and in a consequently promiscuous world,
what would happen to the children? The answer is that the only visible and
demonstrable parent would be the mother. Only the mother would have the child,
and therefore only the mother would be stuck with the child. In short, the women
militants who complain that they are stuck with the task of raising the children
should heed the fact that, in a world without marriage, they would also be stuck
with the task of earning all of the income for their children’s support. I
suggest that they contemplate this prospect long and hard before they continue
to clamor for the abolition of marriage and the family.
The more thoughtful of the female militants
have recognized that their critical problem is finding a solution for the
raising of children. Who is going to do it? The moderates answer: governmental
provision of day-care centers, so that women can freed to enter the labor force.
But the problem here, aside from the general problem of socialism or statism, is
this: how come that the free market hasn’t provided day care centers fairly
inexpensively, as it does for any product or service in mass demand? No one has
to clamor for government provision of motels, for example. There are plenty of
them. The economist is compelled to answer: either that the demand for mothers
to go to work is not nearly as great as the New Feminists would have us believe,
and/or some controls by government-perhaps requirements for registered nurses or
licensing laws-are artificially restricting the supply. Whichever reason, then,
more government is clearly not the answer.
The more radical feminists are not content
with such a piddling solution as day-care centers (besides who but women, other
women this time, would be staffing these centers?). What they want, as Susan
Brownmiller indicates in her New York Sunday Times Magazine article (March 15),
is total husband-wife equality in all things, which means equally shared
careers, equally shared housework, and equally shared child-rearing. Brownmiller
recognizes that this would have to mean either that the husband works for six
months and the wife for the next six months, with each alternating six months of
child rearing, or that each work half of every day and so alternate the
child-rearing each half-day. Whichever path is chosen, it is all too clear that
this total equality could only be pursued if both parties are willing to live
permanently on a hippie, subsistence, part-time-job level. For what career of
any importance or quality can be pursued in such a fleeting and haphazard
manner? Above the hippie level, then, this alleged "solution" is
simply absurd.
If our analysis is correct, and we are already
living in a matriarchy, then the true significance of the new feminism is not,
as they would so stridently have it, the "liberation" of women from
their oppression. May we not say that, not content with kept idleness and subtle
domination, these women are reaching eagerly for total power? Not content with
being supported and secure, they are now attempting to force their passive and
long-suffering husbands to do most of the housework and childrearing as well. I
know personally several couples where the wife is a militant liberationist and
the husband has been brainwashed by his spouse to be an Uncle Tom and a traitor
to his gender. In all these cases, after a long hard day at the office or at
teaching to support the family, the husband sits at home tending the kids while
the wife is out at Women’s Lib meetings, there to plot their accession to
total power and to denounce their husbands as sexist oppressors. Not content
with the traditional mah-jongg set, the New Woman is reaching for the final
castrating blow-to be accepted, I suppose, with meek gratitude by their
male-liberal spouses.
There is still the extremist women’s lib
solution: to abandon sex, or rather heterosexuality, altogether. There is no
question but that this at least would solve the child-rearing problem. The
charge of Lesbianism used to be considered a venomous male-chauvinist smear
against the liberated woman. But in the burgeoning writings of the New Feminists
there has run an open and increasing call for female homosexuality. Note, for
example, Rita Mae Brown, writing in the first "liberated" issue of Rat
(February 6):
"For a woman to vocally assert her
heterosexuality is to emphasize her ‘goodness’ by her sexual activity with
men. That old sexist brainwashing runs deep even into the consciousness of the
most ardent feminist who will quickly tell you she loves sleeping with men. In
fact, the worst thing you can call a woman in our society is a lesbian. Women
are so male identified that they quake at the mention of this three-syllable
word. The lesbian is, of course, the woman who has no need of men. When you
think about it, what is so terrible about two women loving each other? To the
insecure male, this is the supreme offense, the most outrageous blasphemy
committed against the sacred scrotum.
"After all, just what would happen if we
all wound up loving each other. Good things for us but it would mean each man
would lose his personal ‘nigger’. . a real and great loss if you are a
man....
"To love another woman is an acceptance
of sex which is a severe violation of the male culture (sex as exploitation) and
therefore carries severe penalties.... Women have been taught to abdicate the
power of our bodies, both physically in athletics and self-defense, and
sexually. To sleep with another woman is to confront the beauty and power of
your own body as well as hers. You confront the experience of your sexual
self-knowledge. You also confront another human being without the protective
device of role. This may be too painful for most women as many have been so
brutalized by heterosexual role play that they cannot begin to comprehend this
real power. It is an overwhelming experience. I vulgarize it when I call it a
freedom high. No wonder there is such resistance to lesbianism."
Or this, in the same issue, by "A
Weatherwoman":
"Sex becomes entirely different without
jealousy. Women who never saw themselves making it with women began digging each
other sexually.... What weatherman is doing is creating new standards for men
and women to relate to. We are trying to make sex nonexploitative.... We are
making something new, with the common denominator being the revolution."
Or, finally, still in the same issue, by Robin
Morgan:
"Let it all hang out. Let it seem bitchy,
catty, dykey, frustrated, crazy, Solanisesque, nutty, frigid, ridiculous,
bitter, embarrassing, manhating, libelous.... Sexism is not the fault of women
– kill your fathers, not your mothers."
And so, at the hard inner core of the Women’s
Liberation Movement lies a bitter, extremely neurotic if not psychotic,
man-hating lesbianism. The quintessence of the New Feminism is revealed.
Is this spirit confined to a few extremists?
Is it unfair to tar the whole movement with the brush of the Lesbian Rampant? I’m
afraid not. For example, one motif now permeating the entire movement is a
strident opposition to men treating women as "sex objects." This
supposedly demeaning, debasing, and exploitative treatment extends from
pornography to beauty contests, to advertisements of pretty models using a
product, all the way to wolf whistles and admiring glances at girls in
miniskirts. But surely the attack on women as "sex objects" is simply
an attack on sex, period, or rather, on hetero-sex. These new monsters of the
female gender are out to destroy the lovely and age-old custom-delighted in by
normal women the world over-of women dressing to attract men and succeeding at
this pleasant task. What a dull and dreary world these termagants would impose
upon us! A world where all girls look like unkempt wrestlers, where beauty and
attractiveness have been replaced by ugliness and "unisex," where
delightful femininity has been abolished on behalf of raucous, aggressive, and
masculine feminism.
Jealousy of pretty and attractive girls does,
in fact, lie close to the heart of this ugly movement. One point that should be
noted, for example, in the alleged economic discrimination against women: the
fantastic upward mobility, as well as high incomes, available to the strikingly
pretty girl. The Women’s Libs may claim that models are exploited, but if we
consider the enormous pay that the models enjoy-as well as their access to the
glamorous life-and compare it with their opportunity cost foregone in other
occupations such as waitress or typist-the charge of exploitation is laughable
indeed. Male models, whose income and opportunities are far lower than that of
females, might well envy the privileged female position! Furthermore, the
potential for upward mobility for pretty, lowerclass girls is enormous,
infinitely more so than for lower-class men: We might cite Bobo Rockefeller and
Gregg Sherwood Dodge (a former pin-up model who married the multimillionaire
scion of the Dodge family) as merely conspicuous examples. But these cases, far
from counting as an argument against them, arouse the female liberationists to
still gieater fury, since one of their real complaints is against those more
attractive girls who by virtue of their attractiveness, have been more
successful in the inevitable competition for men-a competition that must exist
whatever the form of government or society (provided, of course, that it remains
heterosexual).
Women as "sex objects"? Of course
they are sex objects, and praise the Lord they always will be. (Just as men, of
course, are sex objects to women.) As for wolf whistles, it is impossible for
any meaningful relationship to be established on the street or by looking at
ads, and so in these roles women properly remain solely as sex objects. When
deeper relationships are established between men and women, they each become
more than sex objects to each other; they each hopefully become love objects as
well. It would seem banal even to bother mentioning this, but in today’s
increasingly degenerate intellectual climate no simple truths can any longer be
taken for granted. Contrast to the strident Women’s Liberationists the
charming letter in the New York Sunday Times (March ‘19) by Susan L. Peck,
commenting on the Brownmiller article. After asserting that she, for one,
welcomes male admiration, Mrs. Peck states that "To some this might sound
square, but I do not harbor a mad, vindictive desire to see my already
hard-working, responsible husband doing the household ironing." After
decrying the female maladjustment exhibited in the "liberation
movement," Mrs. Peck concludes:
"I, for one, adore men and I’d rather
see than be one!"
Hooray, and hopefully Mrs. Peck speaks for the Silent
Majority of American womanhood.
As for the Women’s Liberationists, perhaps
we might begin to take their constantly repeated analogies with the black
movement more seriously. The blacks have, indeed, moved from integration to
black power, but the logic of black power is starkly and simply: black
nationalism-an independent black nation. If our New Feminists wish to abandon
male-female "integrationism" for liberation, then this logically
implies Female Power, in short, Female Nationalism. Shall we then turn over some
Virgin land, maybe the Black Hills, maybe Arizona, to these termagants? Yes, let
them set up their karate-chopping Amazonian Women’s Democratic People’s
Republic, and ban access to them. The infection of their sick attitudes and
ideology would then be isolated and removed from the greater social body, and
the rest of us, dedicated to good old-fashioned heterosexuality, could then go
about our business undisturbed.
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