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26/11/04
Know Your Place
Roger Scruton
Spectator
The recent memo purloined from Prince Charles made the accurate observation
that ‘child-centred’ education, by encouraging false expectations and
discouraging effort, seriously hampers the one who receives it. University
teachers know this, since they have to deal with the products of an education
which puts self-esteem before real achievement. Despite the plethora of As and
Bs gained through dumbed-down examinations in dumbed-down subjects, young people
tend to enter university without the skills required for real study. The
likelihood that an incoming undergraduate can read a book or write an essay
diminishes from year to year, and only the entrenched sentimentality of the
educational establishment prevents it from acknowledging that the cause of this
lies in the culture of self-esteem. The ruling principle of our educational
system seems to be that children should be made to feel good about themselves.
The curriculum should therefore be ‘relevant’ to their interests, and
examinations should make no judgment of their linguistic or literary skills.
Education is possible only if we persuade children that there are things
worth knowing that they don’t already know. This may make them feel bad about
themselves, but feeling bad now is the price of feeling good later. The culture
of self-esteem has the opposite effect: by making children feel good now, it
makes them feel bad later — so bad indeed that they blame everybody else for
their failure, and join the growing queue of resentful litigants. Education
involves transmitting knowledge and skills, not illusions, and a practice
devoted to persuading children that they are fine just as they are does not
deserve the name of education. The acquisition of knowledge requires both
aptitude and work, a truth so obvious that only decades of egalitarian
propaganda could have induced so many people to deny it.
The fracas over the Prince’s memo touches on deeper matters, however.
Education is an end in itself. But it is also a means to social advancement. And
there can be social advancement only where there is social hierarchy. In a
society of equals there is neither failure nor success, and despair is conquered
by the loss of hope. Real societies are not like that: they are shaped by
competition, conflict, friendship and love, all of them forces that have
distinction rather than equality as their natural outcome, and all of them
profoundly antipathetic to the culture of self-esteem. A society of real human
beings is quite unlike the society for which children are prepared by a
‘child-centred’ education. It is one in which you can lose or gain; in which
talent, skill and hard work are rewarded and arrogance and ignorance deplored.
Social hierarchy is the inevitable consequence of this: not necessarily the
static hierarchy of inherited social class, nor the hierarchy of property that
tends to replace it, but a hierarchy all the same, in which influence, affection
and power are unequally distributed.
Those elementary truths used to be acknowledged by our education system. When
I was awarded a place at our local grammar school, my father, a socialist who
jealously guarded his working-class identity, foresaw with a curse that I would
‘get above my station’. And he was right, thank God. Both my father’s resentment
and my own success testify to the same underlying reality: that you can rise to
a higher station in society by getting a good education. Thanks to my grammar
school I gained a scholarship to Cambridge, and thanks to Cambridge I gained the
kind of education that opened my thoughts, skills and ambitions to a world that
I had never dreamed could be mine. And all this without costing my family a
penny.
As a result of the culture of self-esteem, however, the helping hand that I
received from the state has been withdrawn by the state. Grammar schools have
been largely abolished, the curriculum has been vandalised (and also compelled)
and the subjects which contain worthwhile knowledge — maths, the hard sciences,
Latin, Greek and ancient history — have been driven to the margins of the
system. And having destroyed the schools the state would now like to destroy the
universities, by forcing them to take the dumbed-down products of its vandalism.
All this shows a deep hostility to social hierarchy. But egalitarian dogma does
nothing to abolish social hierarchy: it simply ensures that children at the
bottom are given no chance to rise to the top. The way to make hierarchy
acceptable is not to pretend that it can be abolished, but to provide poorer
children with the means to rise in it. In other words, it is to replace
aristocracy and plutocracy with meritocracy. And that means doing the kind of
thing that was done by my grammar school, and which is done by the Prince
through his admirable Trust, namely, to provide young people with the
opportunity to develop their talents and to reap the full reward for their work.
Now there are hierarchies only if there are people at the bottom of them. The
advocates of self-esteem are so exercised by this fact that they try to invert
the social spectrum, to represent the bottom as the top and the top as the
bottom. Slovenly speech is praised as socially authentic, and ignorance as
‘difference’. All forms of knowledge that require aptitude or work, or which
aspire to a higher culture than that of the street, are dismissed as ‘elitist’
and driven to the edge of the curriculum. The music mistress who wishes to help
her class to understand sonata form and its role in the classical symphony will
be criticised for the ‘irrelevance’ of her lessons, which ought instead to be
concentrating on the kind of music that young people prefer — Oasis, for
instance. The suggestion that we ought to be teaching young people to prefer
something better will be dismissed as arrogant and oppressive. This anti-elitism
has the reverse effect of that intended, since it confines young people to the
social position from which they start. But it has shaped the national curriculum
in all the subjects that were once devoted to perpetuating our culture, and
which are now devoted to flattering the child.
In an essay written over a century ago the philosopher F.H. Bradley reflected on
‘my station and its duties’, and said that the human being becomes what he truly
is only by realising his freedom in society, and each act of self-realisation
involves creating and adopting a social station. Whether you are rich or poor,
smooth or rough, leisured or banausic, you become what you are through the
circles of influence and affection that distinguish you. Unhappiness comes from
being discontented with your station, while lacking the means to change it. And
for all of us there comes a point when we settle in a social position which we
have neither the power nor the will to change. It is from this sense of our
social station that our duties emerge, Bradley argues. There is no single set of
obligations, no ‘duty for duty’s sake’, that applies to all mankind. Each of us
is encumbered by the duties of his station and happiness comes through
fulfilling them. However humble your position, it comes to you marked with the
distinction between right and wrong — a right way of occupying your station and
a wrong way. Your duties may take the form of a professional ethic, of a
specific role like that of doctor or teacher, of an office like that of prime
minister. They might even take the onerous hereditary form of those imposed on
Prince Charles as the Prince of Wales — duties which he takes extremely
seriously.
If Bradley is right, then it is through the idea of duty that we come to feel
content with our lot. The culture of self-esteem wants everybody to feel OK
about themselves, regardless of merit. True self-esteem, however, comes through
the sense of being right with others and deserving their esteem, which in turn
depends upon fulfilling the duties of your station. The office cleaner who
conscientiously does her job is rewarded with the friendship of the workers whom
she benefits. It does not matter that her social position is a humble one; for
by occupying it rightly she earns a place in society as honourable as any other.
This is what George Herbert had in mind in those lines made famous by the
Victorian hymn:
A servant with this clause
Makes drudgery divine:
Who sweep a room as for Thy laws
Makes that and th’ action fine.
It follows that a society can be hierarchically ordered without being
oppressive. For every station has its duties, the performance of which is both
an end in itself and a passport to social affection. And through education,
ambition and hard work you can change your station, to arrive at the place that
matches your achievements and which, through performing its duties, you possess
as your own.
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